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Cumhuriyet döneminde Türkiye’de önce Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası ve ardından Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası ile deneyimlenen çok partili siyasi hayata geçiş, iç ve dış dinamiklerin etkisiyle başarısızlıkla sonuçlanmıştır. Buna karşın Türk siyasetinde, ülke yönetimindeki tüm kararların Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi (TBMM)’nde şeffaflıkla tartışılarak onaylandığı demokratik parlamenter rejim idealinden vazgeçilmemiştir. Bu ideal doğrultusunda, fakat bir muhalefet partisinin yokluğunda, hükümeti sorgulama ve denetleme işlevini yerine getirmek üzere geliştirilen çözüm; 1931 genel seçimlerinde bağımsız milletvekilleri için kontenjan ayrılması olmuştur. Ne var ki seçimler sonunda IV. Dönem TBMM’ye kendileri için ayrılan 30 koltuğa yalnız 20 bağımsız milletvekili seçilebilmiş ve bunların ancak 8’i dönem sonuna kadar bağımsızlığını korumuştur. Mecliste ezici bir çoğunluğa sahip Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası (CHF) karşısında sınırlı bir etkiye sahip olacağı açık olan az sayıdaki bağımsız milletvekillerinden yine pek azı kendilerinden beklenen “hükümeti sorgulama-eleştirme ve meclis içi muhalefeti oluşturma” rolünü yerine getirmiştir. Bağımsızların, siyasal bir örgütlenmeye sahip olmadan kişisel olarak giriştikleri bu görevde, meclis tartışmalarında savundukları ya da karşı çıktıkları meselelerde görüş ve önerileri; CHF’li hükümet üyeleri ve milletvekillerinin tepkisine neden olmuş, çoğunlukla siyasi arka planları ya da CHF’den olmamaları bağlamında değerlendirilmiştir. Bağımsızların CHF çizgisine yakınlık ya da uzaklıkları daha sonraki yasama dönemlerinde meclise girip girmemelerine de etki ederken; fırkanın eleştirilere yönelik tahammülsüzlüğü; IV. Dönem içinde, bağımsız milletvekillikleriyle hedeflenen amaca ulaşılamamasını getirmiştir. Buna karşın uygulamaya V. Dönem’de de devam edilmiş; parlamento içi demokrasiyi yaşatma çabaları VI. ve VII. dönemlerinde CHP içinden Müstakil Grup oluşturma formülünde aranmıştır.
During the period of the Republic, the transition to the political life of the multi-party, which was experienced in Turkey first with the Terakkiperver Republic and then with the Free Republic, ended with failure under the influence of internal and external dynamics. Nevertheless, in Turkish politics, all the decisions in the country’s administration have been approved by the Greater National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) through transparency. According to this ideal, but in the absence of an opposition party, the solution developed to fulfill the government’s questioning and supervisory function; in 1931 the general election was the discharge of the council for its independent parliamentarians. At the end of the elections IV. Only 20 independent parliamentarians were elected in the 30 seats allocated to the TBMM and only eight of them remained independent until the end of the period. Of the few independent parliaments, which are clearly to have a limited influence against the Republican People's Frontier (CHF) with an enormous majority in the parliament, a few have yet fulfilled their expected role in "questioning the government and creating parliamentary opposition". The opinions and suggestions on the issues they defend or oppose in the parliamentary discussions in this task that independent people enter personally without having a political organization were assessed in the context of the reaction of the CHF government members and their members of parliament, mostly in political background or not from the CHF. While the proximity or distance of independentists to the CHF line also affects whether or not they enter the parliament in subsequent legislative periods; the intolerance of the frog to criticism; IV. In the course of the period, it has not achieved the objective of its independent parliamentary committees. However, the implementation was continued in the V Period; efforts to live in parliamentary democracy VI. and VII. In the course of the time, he was asked for the formule of creation of a special group from the CHP.
The transition to multi-party political life in the Republic of Turkey, experienced first with the Progressive Republican Party and after with the Free Republican Party, failed under the influence of internal and external dynamics. However, the ideal of a democratic parliamentary regime, in which all the decisions of the governance were discussed with transparency in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA), had not been abandoned in Turkish politics. In line with this ideal, but at the absence of an opposition party, the solution developed before the 1931 general elections, was to reserve quota for independent deputies in the parliament so that they could perform the functions of an opposition party questioning and controlling the government. However, in the elections, only 20 independent deputies could be elected to the 30 seats allocated to them in the TGNA, and yet only eight of them remained independent until the end of the fourth legislative term. In the face of the Republican People Party, which had an overwhelming majority in the parliament, those few independent deputies could have had a limited impact and yet only some of them fulfilled the role of “questioning and criticizing the government, performing the opposition”. In this task which the independents, without a political organization, personally embarked on, their opinions and suggestions caused reactions from both the government and the RPP deputies and were mostly evaluated in terms of their political backgrounds or not being from the party. While the independents’ proximity or distance to the RPP’s political line had also influenced whether they entered the parliament in the later legislative terms; the RPP’s intolerance to criticism led to the failure of the target that was aimed at with independents in the fourth one. Despite this, the practice continued in the fifth term as well whereas, in the sixth and seventh terms, the efforts to sustain democracy within parliament were carried out with the practice of the Independent Group, formed within the RPP.
Alan : Sosyal, Beşeri ve İdari Bilimler
Dergi Türü : Ulusal
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