Özet:

Since the Treaty of Westphalia, sovereign states have combined national security with border security, as border is accepted as the line of sovereignty that separates “us” from “others”. The step of forming a European identity as a supra-identity apart from the national identities of the European countries within the borders of each state takes its roots from this perception of being “us”. Though highlighted in Copenhagen Criteria that the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities are ensured; when we look at today’s immigration policies we see a serious deviation from this founding approach emphasizing and ensuring multiculturalism. With labour migration in the 1960s, refugees fleeing Yugoslavia in the 1990s, and the 2015 refugee crisis, Europe's population structure began to change. Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the security approach has taken the place of economic considerations in migration management. The 2015 refugee crisis has become not only a border security crisis but also a crisis of European identity and welfare state protection. This paper aims to investigate the effects of religion, nationalism, and economic concerns on the transformation of immigration policies after 2015 in Denmark, which employs extreme restrictive policies, and Sweden, which has a relatively welcoming culture. The majority of the literature discusses whether those countries are religious or secular; it is expected that the study contributes to a better understanding of the impact of religion and nationalism on migration policies, as well as a discussion of its future implications. Denmark had been extremely homogeneous with only one language and religion and no ethnic minorities, though, this homogeneous structure has begun to deteriorate with the increase in non-western immigration since the 1990s. While the Danish Law of 1983 was widely regarded as the most liberal in Europe, after 1990, equal rights were replaced by immigrant responsibility and integration. With the rise of the anti-immigrant parties in the 2001 elections, social rights were curtailed, and Danish values took centre stage. In Denmark, rules like reducing social assistance after 2015 aim to protect the welfare state, whereas rules like the ban on the burqa and the handshake in the naturalization ceremony are motivated by other factors. The Danish Prime Minister announced the zero-refugee target, the anti-immigrant far-right Danish People's Party declared their intention to reduce the number of all immigrants. So, a new discourse has emerged in which no form of immigration is desired. On the other hand, Sweden follows Denmark slightly behind in terms of process, but by going through literally the same processes. While positive discourse about immigrants had been dominant in Sweden, which implemented multicultural policies, the discourse turned negative with the 2015 refugee crisis. Increasing unemployment among immigrants, income inequality, and Swedish identity discussions seems to lead to a rise in nationalism and nativism in the 2022 elections, as well as a reduction in the generosity of the welfare state. Denmark and Sweden cases show how similar welfare states with the same historical and immigration background respond differently to the refugee crisis. While the unemployment rate for foreign-born workers is high in both countries, it is more than three times higher in Sweden. Refugee crisis has made religious identity more visible and put pressure on Scandinavian welfare model as well as governments. Although integration and assimilation policies are brought to the forefront in terms of religious behaviour patterns of Muslims, the emphasis on religion is not made directly, instead, it is made through the symbols of Islam. The reason why Muslims considered as “others” mainly takes its foundation from this difference. Although they do not make religion an important part of their life, and atheism is higher than other parts of the world, in many European countries Christianity is still considered an important part of the European identity and the Church is an important part of it. According to the conclusion of this study, it is highly possible that Denmark might serve as a model to Europe, primarily to Nordic countries, and this strengthens the possibility that anti-immigrant opposition will sharpen and divide societies. The effects of radical Islam, which is gradually increasing its influence around the world, is undoubtedly huge in these politics throughout Europe; however, abandoning or deviating from policies targeting multiculturalism might cause isolation and alienation of immigrants, who are already fleeing from terrorism, and push them towards radicalization which constitutes another danger.

Anahtar Kelimeler: