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1920’li yıllarda Bolşevikler Türkistan’da Komünist ideoloji ışığında bölgedeki Türk halklarının siyasî, sosyal ve ekonomik yapısını kökten değiştirerek sosyalist bir model yerleştirme hareketini başlatmışlardır. Ancak Moskova yönetimi, bu modeli yerleştirme konusunda yerli Kırgız asıllı bürokratların farklı görüşleri olabileceğini ya dikkate almamış, ya düşünememiş veya tahmin edememiştir. Sonuçta Komünist Parti’nin Kırgızistan şubesi bünyesinde hizipleşme hareketi ortaya çıkmış ve Moskova, iki ayrı grubun farklı görüşleriyle uğraşmak zorunda kalmıştır. Kırgızistan’da birine Abdikerim Sıdıkov’un, diğerine ise Rahmankul Hudaykulov’un liderlik ettiği iki grup arasında ciddî bir mücadele sürmüştür. İki grup arasında mücadele, özellikle Dağlı Kırgız Vilayeti (1922) ve Kara Kırgız Özerk Vilayeti (1924) projesi çerçevesinde sert bir şekilde yaşanmıştır. Fakat Moskova’nın doğrudan temsilcisi olan Komünist Parti Kırgızistan Vilayet Komitesi Genel Başkanı Mihail Kamenskiy, R. Hudaykulov’un grubunu desteklemiş ve sonuçta A. Sıdıkov taraftarları yüksek devlet görevlerinden azledilmişlerdir. Bunun üzerine Moskova entrikalarının asıl amacını anlayamayan 30 kadar devlet adamından oluşan Sıdıkovcular, 1925’te durumu Kremlin’e şikayet etmek zorunda kalmışlardır. Bu hadise, Kırgızistan tarihinde “Otuzcular Mektubu” olarak bilinmektedir. Fakat “Otuzcular Mektubu”, üst yönetim tarafından “milliyetçilik”le suçlanmış ve sözkonusu mektubu imzalayanlar çeşitli cezalara çarptırılmışlardır. Her iki grupta bulunan ilk Kırgız Sovyet bürokratlarının kökeni, 1917 Ekim İhtilaline kadar burjuva olarak adlandırılan varlıklı kesime dayanıyordu. Ve onlar “sağcı” (Sıdıkovcu) ile “solcu” (Hudaykulovcu) grupları oluşturmasına rağmen kendi çıkarını her zaman ilk plana koyan Kremlin her ikisini de sonuna kadar desteklemek niyetinde değildi. Bu sebeple temizlik sırası 1926’da R. Hudaykulov grubuna gelince, kendilerine “Sovyet rejimine karşı “Ur-Tokmok” örgütünü kurma” suçuyla dava açılmış ve grup üyelerinin çoğu hapsedilmiştir. Şubat 1927’de Frunze (günümüzde Bişkek) şehrinde Moskova’dan gönderilen Özel Mahkeme tarafından “Ur-Tokmok davası” görüşüldü. Duruşma sonunda Kremlin’in kararıyla Komüminst Parti’nin Kırgızistan şubesi, “sosyal yönden yabancı unsurlardan” ayıklanmış, yani bir çok Kırgız asıllı bürokrat parti üyeliğinden çıkartılmıştır. Daha sonra ise 1937-1938 Repressiya döneminde, hem “sağcılara” hem de “solculara” katılan Kırgız siyaset ve devlet adamlarının büyük kısmı hayatlarını kaybetmişlerdir. Makalemizde 1920’li yıllarda Kırgızistan’da yaşanan bu önemli siyasî olayların sebep ve sonuçları tahlil edilecektir.
In the 1920s, the Bolshevik began the movement to place a socialist model by radically changing the political, social and economic structure of the Turkish peoples in Turkey in the light of the Communist ideology in Turkey. But the Moscow administration has either not taken into account or not thought or predicted that indigenous Kyrgyz birocrats may have different views on the placement of this model. After all, the Communist Party’s division of Kyrgyzstan emerged, and Moscow was forced to deal with the different opinions of two separate groups. In Kyrgyzstan, there was a serious struggle between the two groups led by Abdikerim Sidkov and the other by Rahmankul Hudaykulov. The struggle between the two groups, in particular the Mountain Kyrgyz province (1922) and the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous province (1924) project, was hardly experienced. But the direct representative of Moscow, the Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan Provincial Committee General Chairman Mikhail Kamenskiy, supported the group of R. Hudaykulov and eventually the supporters of A. Sidkov were removed from the high government duties. Thirty-thirds of state men who did not understand the original purpose of the Moscow entries, were then forced to complain to the Kremlin in 1925. This event is known as the "Letters of the Thirty" in the history of Kyrgyzstan. But those who have been charged with "Nationalism" by the Supreme Government, and who have signed the letter, are subjected to various punishments. The origin of the first Kyrgyz Soviet bureaucrates in both groups was based on the wealthy section called the bourgeois until October 1917. And although they formed the "right" (Sydkovcu) and the "left" (Hudaykulovcu) groups, the Kremlin, which always put its own interests in the first place, did not intend to support both until the end. Therefore, when the cleansing order comes to the group of R. Hudaykulov in 1926, they were prosecuted for "founding the "Ur-Tokmok" organization against the Soviet regime" and most of the members of the group were imprisoned. In February 1927 the "Ur-Tokmok case" was discussed by the Special Court sent from Moscow in the city of Frunze (now Bishkek). At the end of the trial, with the Kremlin's decision, the Communist Party's Kyrgyz branch was "outsourced from socially foreign elements", which means that many Kyrgyz-born bureaucrates were removed from the party's membership. Later, during the period of 1937-1938 Repressiya, the majority of the Kyrgyz politicians and government men who participated in both the "right" and the "left" lost their lives. In our article we will examine the causes and consequences of these important political events in Kyrgyzstan in the 1920s.
In 1920s, in Turkestan the Bolsheviks initiated the foundation of a socialist model by radically altering the political, social and economic structure of Turkic peoples in the light of communist ideology. However, in implementing this model Moscow administration ignored or had not been able to assume that the Kyrgyz bureaucrats might have had different views in this context. As a result, a movement of disintegration had emerged within the Kyrgyzstan branch of the Communist Party, and Moscow had to deal with different opinions of two groups. In Kyrgyzstan, there had been a struggle between two groups led by Abdykerim Sydykov and Rakhmankul Khudaikulov. The struggle between these two groups was very harsh, which was especially intense about the project of Mountain Kyrgyz District (1922) and Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous District (1924). However, the direct representative of Moscow and First Secretary of the Kyrgyz Regional Communist Party Committee Mikhail Kamensky supported Khudaikulov’s group and as a result, the supporters of A.Sydykov were dismissed from the upper state apparatus. Therefore, in 1925, A.Sydykov’s group, which was composed of about thirty statesmen, who could not understand the real intention of Moscow, had to complain about it to Kremlin. This event is known as “The Letter of 30s” in history. However, “The Letter of 30s” was evaluated as a nationalist attempt by the higher state apparatus and the signatories of the letter were punished in different ways. The origins of the first Kyrgyz Soviet bureaucrats in both groups go back to the wealthy social group called as bourgeoisie, before 1917 October Revolution. Although they formed the "rightist" (Sydykov) and the "leftist" (Khudaikulov) groups, Kremlin, which always put its own interests on the first plan, did not intend to support both of them till the end. For this reason, in 1926, when it was time for R.Hudaykulov's group to be liquidated, they had been charged “for founding anti-Soviet ‘Ur-Tokmok’ organization” and most of the group members were imprisoned. In February 1927, in the city of Frunze (nowadays Bishkek) the “Ur-Tokmok case” was examined by a Special Court sent from Moscow. At the end of this case, Kyrgyz Regional Communist Party had been cleared of “foreign social elements” by Kremlin’s decision, thus many bureaucrats of Kyrgyz origin were removed from party membership. Later, during the 1937-1938 Repression, most Kyrgyz politicians and statesmen, who participated in the "rightist" or the "leftist" groups lost their lives. In this article, the causes and consequences of these important political events in Kyrgyzstan, in the 1920s will be analyzed.
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